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What Do Students Think "Learning" is and How Do They Do It? A cross-cultural comparison

Nola Purdie
Abstract: 

The differences between Australian and Japanese secondary students' conceptions of learning and their use of self-regulated learning strategies.

Journal issue: 

What Do Students
Think “Learning” is
and How Do they Do it?
A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON

Nola Purdie

The University of Western Australia

MORE AND MORE OVERSEAS STUDENTS, particularly from south-east Asian countries, are being educated in Australian and New Zealand schools. Differences in schooling and cultural traditions lead to different understandings of what learning actually is and to the strategies students use to regulate their own learning. If educators are to cater successfully for students from other cultures it is important to develop a better understanding of what these students think learning is and how they go about doing it.

Stereotypes

A major finding of the study described here confirms the stereotypical view of Japanese students as “rote memorisers”. However, it is the Australian students who are found to have a narrow, school-based view of learning. The Japanese students view learning from a much broader perspective. For them, learning is not only related to what happens at school; it is seen also as a lifelong, experiential process leading to personal fulfilment.

The study

Students in their final two years of schooling (16 to 18 year olds) from five schools in Australia and five schools in Japan were used as subjects for this study. The 248 Australian students came from a range of school “types” in the Perth metropolitan area—state and private, single sex and co-educational; as did the 215 Japanese students who came from schools in Tokyo and Shizuoka.

A Student Learning Survey, consisting of ten open-ended questions, was used to elicit responses from students about the learning strategies they use and the conceptions of learning they hold. The first eight questions were concerned with students’ learning strategies, and were based on The Self-Regulated Learning Interview Schedule (SRLIS) developed by Zimmerman and Martinez-Pons in 1986. Students were presented with eight different vignettes in which a range of typical learning contexts are described (for example, in class, at home, preparing for tests, when poorly motivated). They were asked to indicate which strategies they would use to assist learning in such situations. Students could choose from 14 categories of self-regulated learning strategies (self-evaluation; organising and transforming; goal setting and planning; seeking information; keeping records and monitoring; environmental structuring; self-consequences; rehearsing and memorising; seeking peer, teacher or adult assistance; and reviewing tests, notes, and texts) and a 15th category (“other”) which recorded non-self-regulated behaviour. As well as indicating the choice of strategies for particular contexts, students were asked to estimate the frequency with which they would use these strategies in similar situations (based on a 4-point scale from 1 = seldom to 4 = most of the time).

The final two questions of the Student Learning Survey were concerned with students’ conceptions of learning. They were given the opportunity to express what they meant by “learning”, what they meant when they said they had “learned” something, and they were encouraged to provide examples to illustrate.

Students’ responses to the first eight questions were coded according to the fourteen categories proposed by Zimmerman and Martinez-Pons (1986) (See Table 1). Students usually described each strategy they used in one sentence, and for each question the number of strategies mentioned varied considerably. Some students said that they did “nothing special” in some learning contexts, while other students listed up to nine things that they did. The strategy consistency method of scoring the coded strategies was used. This method weights each mention of a strategy by a student with the estimated frequency of its use (1 = Seldom, 2 = Occasionally, 3 = Frequently, and 4 = Most of the time). The score thus obtained was interpreted as a rating of consistency of use of that strategy.

Results

Nine clear categories of learning conception emerged from the analysis.

(1) Learning as increasing one’s knowledge

This conception is quantitative in nature, referring to the accumulation or absorption of knowledge—the more, the better.

… when you’re taught something or get some information which you didn’t know about before

Students frequently referred to a dependence on other sources, such as teachers or books, for the acquisition of information.

… trying to get new knowledge through books or information from other people

As well as an increase in knowledge, there was often mention of an increase in ability or intelligence.

… if I actually soaked in the information being taught in class, and increased my ability, became more intelligent

(2) Learning as memorising, reproducing, and studying

Not infrequently, both the Australian and Japanese students in this study linked the processes of memorising and reproducing to that of studying. Although many students responded with a simple “learning is studying”, for others, the act of studying was inseparable from learning and memorising. Hence:

… studying specific things and finding you can remember what you have been taught

Some students made reference to the “how” of memorisation, specifically mentioning use of the strategies of repetition and practise:

… something is retained by repetition and practise to be retrieved later

Other examples indicate that students are in some way actively involved in the process of learning. In contrast to the first conception where knowledge simply “soaks in”, students who describe learning as belonging in this category speak of themselves as doing something.

… entering knowledge into my brain that I can recall whenever I feel the need

(3) Learning as using knowledge for a variety of purposes

In this conception, knowledge or skills gained are put to some use, either now or at some later stage. The application of knowledge is either for a specific and clearly identifiable purpose, or knowledge is seen as something that will be useful for some unspecified purpose in the future. It is different from the second conception in that application does not mean the exact reproduction of information for tests and exams. In fact, students generally did not refer to school contexts when describing learning as using knowledge. Responses were much vaguer, and there was frequently an emphasis on future aspirations for further study, or for a successful career.

… it will help me in the future … to pass tests … getting enough marks for University

… it’s so I can have a stable life with sufficient income in the future

(4) Learning as understanding

Students who were classified as holding this conception of learning typically spoke of gaining (developing, grasping, discovering, finding, searching for) meaning. Their focus for understanding appeared often to be directly related to classroom learning, the test of that understanding sometimes being the ability to explain or teach subject matter to another person:

… you understand concepts well enough to be able to teach or explain it to someone else

Much of the literature on student learning highlights the supposed existence of a dichotomy between memorising and understanding. In this instance, the relationship between these two processes was not, on the whole, clearly differentiated by either the Australian or the Japanese students. More often than not, students spoke of learning as involving both processes:

… it’s not good enough to learn things off by heart, you also have to understand

(5) Learning as seeing something in a different way

Only small numbers of students from either group indicated that they viewed learning in this way. When they did, the emphasis was on a changed way of thinking about something or about oneself. Personal opinions were formed and new ideas generated.

… I can look at life in new ways, relate to people and ideas in different ways

Sometimes there was almost a sense of moral improvement and/or social responsibility that came with new insights and ways of thinking:

… studying and learning from experience what to do and what not to do—what’s right and what’s wrong

(6) Learning as personal fulfilment

The main feature of this category is that learning was seen to lead to greater maturity, personal growth, or improvement, and this change sometimes led to a sense of empowerment.

… learning enables you to understand life and it improves you as a person

… what’s important is what you do with the knowledge, whether you gained from the experience, grew as a person

Personal growth was sometimes associated with adulthood, maturity, or one’s “humanness”.

… to develop as a human, become an adult

… to grow in myself, to become more mature

The personal value of learning was not limited to the notion of change, however. As well as the concept of personal growth and development, there was often an associated expression of satisfaction or enjoyment; sometimes it was seen to be liberating.

… you should enjoy learning, it shouldn’t be a burden

… your imagination, your creativity, your thoughts expand more widely, you have more freedom

(7) Learning as a duty

Only one Australian student expressed a conception of learning as a duty versus 14 Japanese students. Although not a large number, 14 was considered significant when seen in the light of the Japanese cultural emphasis on duty and responsibility, particularly to one’s parents and teachers. Several students expressed an associated feeling of learning as being difficult but a responsibility, duty or obligation that one has both to oneself and to other people or society.

… although learning is sometimes difficult, it still must be done; it’s important; I must do my best

(8) Learning as a process not bound by time or context

The context of learning was the main consideration of students in this conception. Learning was seen as not only related to school, but as occurring in a variety of everyday contexts. Students expressed the notion of learning through a variety of life experiences—during encounters with other people, through reading books, while travelling, and while at work. There is much real learning that occurs outside school. Learning continues throughout life; it is a gradual, continuous process.

… it starts from the very beginning (after birth) to the very last period of life (before death)

… it means not only to read from the course books, but also to know from our society how to live in the right way…we can know and learn from a small boy

(9) Learning as developing social competence

Once again, this minor category was almost exclusively the preserve of the Japanese students and perhaps reflected the Japanese emphasis on social competence as the most important identifier of intelligence. There was a focus on communication, human relationships, social and interpersonal skills—how one operates as a member of society or displays social common sense. As well, there was sometimes mention of helping other people, or displaying a social responsibility.

… learn so that I can become a good member of society and get on with other people easily

… it’s when I know that I can communicate easily with other people, no matter whether they are young or old

Analysis

The significant differences in the conceptions of learning held by the two groups was analysed and reported in Table 1. The first two columns of the table show the percentage of students in each group who indicated that they held a particular conception of learning. Holding a conception at one level did not preclude a student from having a view of learning that included one or more of the other conceptions. Thus, for example, a student may have indicated that learning was both an increase in knowledge and personal fulfilment. Results of the analysis of the variance which was carried out on the result of the transformations in order to examine the relationships between the nine conception of learning dependent variables and the two groups of students, are shown in the last column of Table 1.

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Contrary to popular opinion, when asked what learning actually was, the Japanese students did not see learning primarily as a process of memorising and reproducing. In fact, it was the Australian students who most frequently mentioned this as a conception of learning. For the Japanese students, increasing knowledge (40 percent) was the most frequently mentioned conception, followed closely by a view of learning as personal fulfilment (35 percent). Memorising and reproducing, using knowledge for a variety of purposes, and understanding were seen to be essential components of learning by about one quarter of the sample of Japanese students (not necessarily the same students in each case). Other conceptions were mentioned by only small numbers of students.

For the Australian students, conceptions of learning appeared to be focused in the first four categories, with only very small percentages of students registering responses in the remaining categories. Memorising and reproducing (60 percent) and understanding (58 percent) were the two most frequently cited conceptions of learning. Fifty percent of students saw increasing knowledge as an essential component, and 31 percent mentioned using knowledge for a variety of purposes. The last five conceptions were considered by less than five percent of students as representing an aspect of learning.

The strategy consistency scores for the two groups are presented in Table 2, together with the results of the analysis of variance. When means for the two groups were rank ordered, “environmental structuring” and “self-evaluating” were amongst the three most frequently used of the strategies for both groups of students. For the Australian students, the other highly ranked strategy was “goal setting and planning”, while for the Japanese students it was “rehearsing and memorising”. The strategy of “reviewing tests and other work” did not feature highly for either group of students, and for the Japanese students, “keeping records” also seemed not to be important.

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The results from an analysis of variance revealed significant differences between the two groups in their use of 11 of the strategies. Of the 14 categories of strategic behaviour, the Japanese students scored significantly higher on three —”memorising”, “seeking information”, and “reviewing textbooks”. The eight other significant differences favoured the Australian students. Overall, the Australian students reported significantly greater use of self-regulated learning strategies as indicated by the significantly higher total score.

Discussion

The results of this study indicate both clear differences between the Australian and the Japanese groups of students, while at the same time drawing attention to several marked similarities. Perhaps most noteworthy is the somewhat paradoxical finding that the Japanese students were far less likely than their Australian counterparts to view learning as memorising and reproducing; yet when asked to describe what they actually did in a number of different learning contexts, they indicated they do, indeed, use memorisation and rehearsal significantly more than the Australian students.

Australian educators have tended to dichotomise the processes of memorisation and understanding. In Confucian-based societies, however, studies have shown that the dividing line does not fall between memorisation and understanding, but between mechanical memorisation and memorisation in order to assist the development of meaning. The development of the ability to use imitation and repetition as an aid to learning is encouraged. This process, commonly labelled “rote learning”, is frequently viewed by Western educators as an undesirable one because it is thought to signify a lack of deep thinking and understanding. Traditionally, however, repetition has been viewed by the Japanese as a route to understanding. Students are encouraged to learn from the traditional Confucian wisdom which recommends “Read it one hundred times, and understanding will follow spontaneously”, and “Seeing knowledge without thinking is labour lost; thinking without seeing knowledge is perilous.”

Recent research with students from several other Asian countries, where repetition and memorisation are learning strategies commonly adopted, has shown that the stereotypic Western view of the Asian learner as one who learns only by rote and who employs surface strategies and motives such that “deep” learning or real understanding does not occur is, indeed, inaccurate. When Asian students have been compared with students in Australian schools and universities, the reverse has been shown to be the case. It is the Australian students who are more likely to adopt a surface approach to learning.

Another major finding of this study is the predominantly school-based view of learning held by the Australian students in contrast to the much broader views of the Japanese students. In describing what they meant by learning, the Australian students described learning mostly in relation to studying or performing classroom learning tasks. Hence, the three most commonly held views were of learning as increasing knowledge, memorising and reproducing, and understanding (of subject content). For the Japanese students, on the other hand, learning was not confined to the classroom. More than one third of this group described learning as some form of personal fulfilment.

The least used strategy by both groups was that of “reviewing tests and other work”. It is assumed that one of the purposes of using such a strategy is to capitalise on the feedback which is usually given by teachers on such work. On review of this work at some later date students are better able to assess their weaknesses and to make judgments about where to place their efforts in relation to their current knowledge or level of skills. When viewed in the light of the finding that feedback is one of the most powerful influences on student learning, this result should cause some concern to educators in both Australia and Japan.

Although willpower statements were categorised in this study as non-strategic “other”, further investigation of this phenomenon is recommended. This is particularly so when considered in the light of the Japanese cultural emphasis on commitment to task and the ability to persevere. In schools, structured systems of student guidance (Seito Shido) are highly influential in the fostering of concentration ability, and persistence, and the urging of oneself to “keep going and try harder” may indeed be a strategic action on the part of a Japanese student. The value of self-talk in the regulation of one’s own behaviour has long been recognised within Western psychology. The expression by an Australian student to “try harder” may be a self-instruction to do just that—to persist and not give up, to maintain commitment to task—rather than a vague expression serving no strategic purpose.

Notes

Nola Purdie is a PhD student and Research Assistant at the University of Western Australia. She recently returned to academia after 20 years’ experience in secondary schools. Her major area of research is in Educational Psychology with a particular interest in issues relating to student learning, motivation, and self-concept.

This paper is adapted from the following conference paper, which was based on her Ph D research at the University of Western Australia:

Purdie, N. (1994, November). What do students think learning is and how do they do it? A cross-cultural comparison. Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Australian Association for Research in Education, Newcastle, November 1994.

The AARE paper contains a good review of the literature concerning conceptions of learning; the relationships between learning conception, study strategy and learning outcome; the cross-cultural perspective on learning and the nature of knowledge; and the importance to academic achievement on self-regulation in learning.

Recent anecdotal evidence of a stereotypical Asian is found in:

Biggs, J. B. (1990, July). Asian students’ approaches to learning: Implications for teaching overseas students. Keynote address presented at the Australasian Tertiary Skills and Language Conference, Queensland University of Technology, Queensland.

Watkins, D. (1993, February). The Asian learner: A twin paradox. Paper presented at the Enhancing the Quality of Teaching in Universities and Colleges Conference, Charleston, SC.

The modified Self-Regulated Interview Schedule used here was adopted from:

Zimmerman, B.J., & Martinez-Pons, M. (1990). Student differences in self-regulated learning: Relating grade, sex, and gift-edness to self-efficacy and strategy use. Journal of Educational Psychology, 82(1), 51-59.

Strategies indicating self-regulation in learning have been identified in:

Brown, A. (1987). Megacognition, executive control, self-regulation, and other more mysterious mechanisms. In F.W. Weinert & R.H. Kluwe (Eds.), Metacognition, motivation, and understanding (pp. 65-116). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Corno, L. (1986). The metacognitive control components of self-regulated learning. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 11, 333-346.

The Japanese emphasis on social competence as an identifier of intelligence is expressed in:

Sternberg, R. L., Conway, B. E., Ketron, J. L., & Bernstein, M. (1981). People’s conception of intelligence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 41(1), 37-55.

Studies with Confucian-based societies are documented in:

Marton, F., Dall’Alba, G., & Tse, L. K. (1993, August). The paradox of the Chinese learner. In 5th European Association for Research on Learning and Instruction, Aix en Provence.

The Japanese attitude towards repetition is reported in:

Hess, R.D., & Azuma, H. (1991). Cultural support for schooling. Educational Researcher, 20(9), 2-12.

Other comparisons of Asian and Australian students can be found in:

Biggs, J. (1991). Approaches to learning in secondary and tertiary students in Hong Kong: Some comparative studies. Educational Research Journal, 6, 27-39.

Kember, D., & Gow, L. (1991). A challenge to the anecdotal stereotype of the Asian student. Studies in Higher Education, 16(2), 117-128.

Watkins, D., Regmi, M., & Estilla, A. (1991). The-Asian-as-a-rote-learner stereotype: Myth or reality. Educational Psychology, 11(1), 21-34.

That feedback is a powerful influence on student learning is reported in:

Hattie, J. (1992). Measuring the effects of schooling. Australian Journal of Education, 36 (1), 5-13.